Power And Resistance In Human Society

Power And Resistance In Human Society Where there is power, there is resistance, and yet, or rather consequently, this resistance is never in a position of exteriority in relation to power (Foucault, 1978: 95-96). In human sciences one of the main issues has always been the relationship of resistance to power. Where there is power, there is resistance; power affirms that there exists resistance and visa versa. But before starting to think about resistance, we have to take in mind that power is no longer considered a unitary, constant force that emanates from a particular social class or institution, rather it is seen as a more tenuous fabric of hegemonic forms (Constable, 2007: 11). Foucault (1978: 95-96) questions our assumption that power is always and essentially repressive, he wants to show how power also can be positively in a way that it can produce forms of pleasure, systems of knowledge, goods, and discourses and that it not only works negatively, by denying, restricting, prohibiting and repressing (Abu-Lughod, 1990: 42). The focus within studies of resistance recently shifted from large-scale collective revolts to more unlikely forms of resistance such as subversions and small or loca l resistances which do not especially aim to overthrow the system and which do not result from ideologies of emancipation (Abu-Lughod, 1990: 41). Hence both concepts have turned to be more complex than initially supposed, but this makes it even more interesting and more widely applicable to various situations where people try to construct their life within structures of power. Resistance The term resistance has been used by many scholars to describe a wide range of actions and behaviours in all aspects of human social life and in different settings. Hollander and Einwohner (2004: 534) illustrated how everything from revolutions to hairstyles has been described as resistance. Consequently following from the diversity of actions and behaviours which used to be named as resistance, they found in their analysis of the concept that there is little agreement on the definition (ibid: 234). Therefore it is important to outline the range of characteristics that can exist within the concept of resistance. First of all the scale whereat the resistance occurs has not always the same size; acts of resistance may be for example individual or collective, widespread or limited to local areas. Levels of coordination are also variable, in some situations there will be a higher extent in which the resisters intentionally act together, than in other. Thereby the targets where resistance is directed to also differs, they vary from individuals to groups and from organizations to institutions and social structures. As well the direction or goals are variable, while resistance mainly is understood to be aimed at achieving some sort of change, sometimes it is possible that the behaviour described as resistance aims to constrain change. Finally, while resistance is generally understood to be a political action, some writers suggest that resistance can also be identity-based (ibid: 536-537). Action and Opposition After having observed the dimensions of variation of resistance Hollander and Einwohner (ibid: 537) tried to describe the core elements of resistance to see how all these phenomena can be described with the same term. They identified action and opposition as two core elements within the discussions of resistance where authors seem to agree on. Resistance is not a quality of an actor or a state of being, but involves some active behaviour, whether verbal, cognitive, or psychical, and another component common to almost all uses is a sense of opposition. After having identified these core elements, the lines of disagreements became clearer, which made them realize that several debates of resistance above all differed in their position on two central issues: recognition and intent (ibid: 537). Recognition and Intention Acts of resistance are not always equally visible, their variation in visibility becomes clearer when we analyze the contrast between everyday resistance and more (and more obviously contentious) forms of political mobilization. Sometimes the intention of resistance is to be recognized, while other resistance is purposefully hidden, so recognition depends in part on the goals of the people who resist (ibid: 540). While Scott (1985) in his book about modes of everyday resistance among peasant workers argues that resistance need not to be recognized as such and that it may remain relatively invisible to the powerful, other scholars define resistance as necessarily provoking recognition and even reaction from others (Hollander Einwohner, 2004: 541). This level of recognition also varies depending on the two different groups of others who can identify an act as resistance, to wit targets and observers. The first group contains those to whom the act is directed and the second group can comprise the general public, members of the media and researchers (ibid: 542). After the question if oppositional action must be readily apparent to others, and if it must in fact be recognized as resistance, Hollander and Einwohner wonder if the actor must be aware that she or he is resisting some exercise of power and intending to do so for an action to qualify resistance (ibid: 542). Also on this matter scholars do not completely agree, roughly classified Hollander and Einwohner (2004) distinguish three different views. The first group of scholars believes that the actors conscious intent is a core element to be able to classify certain behaviour as resistance. The second group thinks that measuring intent is difficult or even impossible, as resistance not only arises in public, but also privately. People in these cases may be conscious of oppression and may intend to resist in some fashion, but this will not be visible and therefore impossible to measure. Following to the last group of scholars we must not focus on the intent, as resistance can occur cons ciously or unconsciously, concentrating on intent will neglect important forms of resistance (ibid: 542). Types of Resistance Hollander and Einwohner (2004) didnt want to define the verities and the falsities among all possible meanings and contends of the term resistance. Therefore they decided to analyse the various opinions to see if it would be possible to describe different forms of resistance without judging what is wrong and what is not. They already observed that all scholars seemed to agree that resistance implied oppositional action of some kind. Leaving discords about whether resistance must be intended by actors or whether it must be recognized by targets and/or observers. They therefore argue that it is useful to think of resistance in terms of distinct types, each defined by a different combination of actors intent, targets recognition, and observers recognition. Not all scholars will agree that all behaviours summarized in Table 1 should be called resistance, but it will help to emphasize again the core elements of resistance. The first type, overt resistance, comprises for example social movements and revolutions, and individual acts of refusal. It is visible behaviour, which is recognized by both targets as observers as resistance and is also intended to be recognized as such. Covert resistance refers to acts as gossip and subtle subversion in the workplace; they are intentional but go unnoticed by their targets. However they are recognized as resistance by culturally aware observers. These two forms of intentional forms of resistance are followed by some unintentional forms of resistance. The first one is recognized as resistance by both the observers as the targets but is not meant as such. And the second one contains so called self-defined targets who may be the only ones who recognize certain behaviour as resistance (target-defined resistance). A separate category contains externally-defined resistance, these are acts of resistance that are neither intended nor recognized as resistance by actors or their targets, but are labelled by third parties. The last two forms of resistance go to a certain degree unnoticed by others. If recognized by their target but unrecognized by third-party observers, they have called it missed resistance. If an actors intent ional act goes unnoticed by both targets and observers alike, it may be classified as attempted resistance (ibid: 544-547). Interaction Understanding the interaction between resisters, targets, and third parties plays a central role in the comprehension of resistance. Resistance is socially constructed; resisters, targets, and observers all participate in this construction (ibid: 548). Of course often there is no overall agreement on the question if certain behaviour can be seen as resistance or not. What one observer (or participant) sees as resistance, another may see as accommodation or even domination this does not only happen between the different participative groups but also within the parties there is variation. Resistance is a complex set of thoughts and behaviours (Ortner, 1995: 175). Dichotomizing resistance and dominators ignores the fact that there are multiple systems of hierarchy, and that individuals can be simultaneously powerful and powerless within different systems (Hollander Einwohner, 2004: 548). I n her article about resistance and the concept of dà ©brouillardise (a way of social manipulation) used by Auvergnat farmers in rural France, Deborah Reed-Danahay (1993: 223) describes how Kondo (1990: 221) based on her research in Japan also emphasizes the intertwining of power and meaning, so that no one can be without power. Everyday Resistance After appointing the different types of resistance, it is necessary to take a first glimpse into possible forms of resistance among undocumented migrants to see on what kind of forms we have to continue focussing. First of all, it is obvious that undocumented migrants wont participate in any overt form of resistance (i.e. demonstrations) because it probably endangers their precarious situation. Therefore it is not very likely that the target of the resistance will recognize their acts as such. It will also vary if the acts are intended as resistance. Consequently, it is more likely that possible forms of resistance among undocumented migrants will be: covert resistance, attempted resistance and externally-defined resistance. Especially the first two forms of resistance are familiar to Scotts concept of everyday resistance. He describes: What everyday forms of resistance share with the more dramatic public confrontations is of course that they are intended to mitigate or deny claims made by superordinate classes or to advance claims vis-à  -vis those superordinate classes. Where institutionalized politics are formal, overt, concerned with systematic, de jure change, everyday resistance is informal, often covert, and concerned largely with immediate, de facto gains (Scott, 1990: 32-33). Scott points out different expressions of everyday resistance: foot dragging, dissimulation, false compliance, smuggling, etc. He refers to these practices as hidden transcripts (Scott, 1990) that are not easily visible in official transcripts and those on-stage behaviours controlled by elites (Reed-Danahay, 1993: 222). He described the existence of a too strongly focus on official and public transcripts of culture resulting in an underestimation of subordinated people and argued for a look into the unofficial transcripts to see the variety of forms of resistance taking place in this area of social life (ibid: 223). Though, Reed-Danahay (ibid: 223) points at a, ly to her, disturbing simplification [by Scott] by describing resistance as something which can be found in the hidden transcripts of the weak while only conformity becomes visible in the public transcripts of both the weak and the strong. This derives from the fact that he sees ideology as a coherent message, while there is c ontradiction and ambiguity in any discourse (ibid: 223) Everyday Practices Similar to Scotts everyday resistance is Michel de Certeaus (1984) concept of everyday practices. He divides strategies and tactics and explains why many everyday practices are not strategic but tactical in character. A strategy is the calculus of force-relationships which becomes possible when a subject of will and power can be isolated from an environment. Strategies possess their own place which forms a starting point from where relations with the outside can be generated. Tactics on the other hand, do not possess their own place, so the other cannot be singled out as a visible totality. Tactics constantly manipulate events to turn them into opportunities. De Certeau (ibid: xix) describes: A tactic insinuates itself into the others place, fragmentarily, without taking it over in its entirety, without being able to keep it at a distance. Everyday practices are a gathering of ways of operating characterized by victories of the weak over the strong and consisting of clever tricks, knowing how to get away with things, hunters cunning, manoeuvres, polymorphic situations, etc (De Certeau, 1984: xix). Tactics produce a certain movement within the system. They show to what extent it is possible to use intelligence to consort power within the daily struggle. Strategies, on the contrary, have a rather ambiguous relation with power. They use the instruments of the power for their own purposes. Hence, the structure of power where the strategies compete against at the same time sustains them (De Certeau, 1984: xviii). Scotts concept of everyday resistance, consisting of practices as foot dragging, dissimulation and smuggling tends to be more similar to strategies than to tactics. While De Certeaus concept of ways of operating (or everyday practices), like knowing how to get away with things, are more tactical in character. We could say that strategies aspire to undermine the structures of power and thus are more saturated with a notion of resistance, whereas tactics not only aim to resist, but also comprise an accommodating component. Cunning Despite their differences, De Certeau and Scott are concerned with the same kind of behaviour. Reed-Danahay (1993: 222) presupposes to use the concept of cunning to refer to this behaviour. ly to her, Detienne and Vernants (1978: 3-4 in Reed-Danahay: 1993: 222) description of the Greek quality of mÄâ€Å"tis summarizes accurately the significance of cunning: [it] combine(s) flair, wisdom, forethought, subtlety of mind, deception, resourcefulness, vigilance, opportunism, various skills and experience acquired over the years. It is applied in situations which are transient, shifting, disconcerting, and ambiguous, situations which do not lead themselves to precise measurement, exact calculation, or rigorous logic (1978: 3-4; quoted in Scott 1990: 164 in ibid: 222). Also De Certeau (1984: xix) is conscious about the connection between mÄâ€Å"tis and his ways of operating. Together with cunning, mÄâ€Å"tis refers to the idea of Goffmans concept of making do in difficult situations and overcoming hardships (Reed-Danahay, 1993: 223). ly to Reed-Danahay, resistance suggests a mechanical metaphor of solid bodies coming into contact. Unlike resistance, cunning includes some fluidity in social life, leaving room for play or manipulation (ibid: 223). Dà ©brouillardise Reed-Danahay therefore speaks of a more complex notion of power and resistance, where forms of power lay both with agents of the dominant culture and with the resisting people themselves (ibid: 224). In her fieldwork in a mountain valley in the Auvergne region of central France she describes how people from a place fictionally named Lavialle have adopted a stance of resistance to agents who threaten their cultural autonomy. She shows how these farmers use the French concept of dà ©brouillardise as a manner to talk about social manipulation expressing accommodation, resistance, cunning, ways of making out and ways of making do (ibid: 221). Dà ©brouillardise connotes both resisting domination and other forms of social manipulation or even partial accommodation. It is a form of everyday resistance and it is a way of taking advantage of a situation that presents itself. Dà ©brouillardise has a dual nature, it consist of both making out and making do and is associated with both defensi ve postures and coping strategies in everyday life (ibid: 224). Conclusion Migrants and Resistance Abu-Lughod and romanticizing resistance With the concept of dà ©brouillardise Reed-Danahay tries to cover the gap between theory and practice. This is viable because the villagers she observes are actually using the concept in their ordinary language. According to her dà ©brouillardise refers to a more complex form of power than the theories of Scott (ibid: 224). Dà ©brouillardise Accomodation The ethnographic literature also contains examples of positive values associated with behaviours interpreted as everyday resistance when no native term or vocabulary for it is present. (223) Even while resisting power, individuals or groups may simultaneously support the structures of domination that necessitate resistance in the first place. Various authors have referred to this complexity as accommodation (e.g., Sotirin and Gottfried, 1999; Weitz, 2001), ambiguity (Trethewey, 1997), complicity (Healey, 1999; Ortner, 1995), conformity (St. Martin and Gavey, 1996), or assimilation (Faith, 1994).These authors stress that a single activity may constitute both resistance and accommodation to different aspects of power and authority (Hollander Einwohner, 2004: 549). Nevertheless it is easy to romanticize resistance as Abu-Lughod says, to view its forms as signs of ineffectiveness of systems of power and of the resilience and creativity of the human spirit in refusal to be dominated, to focus on successful forms of resistance and neglecting to consider accommodation, passivity or acquiescence adequately (In: Constable, 2007: ). It is only valuable if we can find a way between romanticizing resistance and portraying young migrants as passive oppressed victims.

Germania: Tacitus’ Perceptions of Pax Romana Rome Essay -- Roman Histo

Germania: Tacitus’ Perceptions of Pax Romana Rome While the early 2nd century is usually considered to be the height of the Roman Empire, closer examinations reveal a deteriorating state hiding behind a faà §ade of power and wealth. As modern day historian C. Warren Hollister described, â€Å"life in Rome’s ‘golden age’ could be pleasant enough if one were male, adult, very wealthy, and naturally immune to various epidemic diseases. But if this was humanity’s happiest time, God help us all!† (14). Living during this time period, Cornelius Tacitus perceived of the rust slowly consuming through Rome’s golden shine. He writes, â€Å"the destinies of the Empire have passed their zenith,† predicting the end of an era 300 years before it occurred (33). He makes this conclusion based on observations of a deterioration of loyalty to the Empire due to weakened patriotism and societal values. His criticisms on the flaws of the Empire are interwoven into the text of his Germania, some b eing obvious while others are more discreet. Written in 98 AD, Germania is a description of barbarian lifestyle and culture that Tacitus compiled from different accounts and sources. What makes it a somewhat unreliable historical source is that Tacitus interjects the text with his own opinions about the Empire. For example, Tacitus’ cynicism with the supposed power and strength of the Empire is revealed through his descriptions of the strength of the Germans. In this time period, the Empire represented the paragon of strength in a society, but Tacitus immediately brings attention to the hardiness and unity of the Germans in their barbaric wasteland. While the Romans enjoyed a temperate Mediterranean climate, the Germans lived in a place where t... ...able and foresees the fall of the Western Empire three centuries years later. He even says that the Empire was still standing because the Germans were too busy fighting each other, and that â€Å"Fortune can guarantee us nothing better than discord among our foes† (33). Tacitus’ insight on the weaknesses of the Empire during its so-called â€Å"golden age† should press modern readers to re-evaluate preconceptions of the Pax Romana. Although Germania may paint a biased picture of the Germans living at the time period, Tactius’ work is valuable because of the interesting perceptions it conveys. Works Cited Hollister, C. Warren. Medieval Europe: A Short History. 8th ed. Boston: McGraw Hill, 1998. Tacitus. Dialogus, Agricola, Germania. Trans. Maurice Hutton. London: Heineman, 1914. IN Readings in Medieval History. 2nd ed. Ed. Patrick J. Geary. Toronto: Broadview, 1997.

Industry Report – Hotel & Tourism

However, the easing of the Australian dollar has been a welcome development. The latest Mastered-OTF sentiment survey indicates that international industry sentiment remains relatively stable. Notably, however, 50% of those surveyed saw the Australian dollar as having a high impact on their business, highlighting the potential upside of the local currency easing. Growth In International visitor arrivals continues to Impress International visitor arrivals grew 4. 9% over the year to March while International visitor nights grew 7. 2%, significantly outpacing average growth of the last decade. While this growth has been largely led by the emerging Asian economies, particularly China which accounted for more than a third of total growth in visitor arrivals, there has also been a sustained pick up in visitor arrivals from the US. ; Increasing length of stay by Japanese visitors was also a key contributor to visitor night growth. The outlook for international visitors remains robust ; Des pite a marginally weaker economic outlook, Dolomite Access Economics continues to project solid growth in international visitor arrivals and nights over the next three years, with arrivals forecast to grow by 4. 5% p. A. ND nights by 4. 9% p. A. ; While the outlook for growth in Chinese visitors has moderated slightly, China is expected to remain the single largest contributor to growth, with visitor nights forecast to grow by 6. 7% p. A. Over the next three years. Overall, Asia is projected to account for two thirds of forecast growth In International violators nights. ; In an encouraging sign for the nation's larger regional tourism destinations, recent trends have revealed Chinese travelers Tropical North Queensland are now frequented more commonly by Chinese leisure visitors than by international leisure travelers generally.The domestic visitor market entities to expand After a decade of weak or negative growth, the domestic tourism market rebounded strongly in the first half of 2012. While this rapid rate of growth has not been maintained, the domestic market has continued to expand, with visitor nights increasing 2. 2% over the year to March 2013. Strengthening leisure market forecast to be the key driver of domestic growth Corporate travel has been the predominant driver of domestic tourism growth over the last decade.However a softer domestic economic outlook and signs of a continued pick-up in holiday travel indicate the leisure segment playing a more reorient role in driving domestic tourism over the next few years – particularly if the Australian dollar continues to recede. ; Holiday visitor nights grew 1 1. 6% in the March quarter and by 3. 7% over the year to March. This represents the fastest rate of growth since before the SGF and considerably narrowed the gap with outbound leisure travel, which grew by 4. % over the same period. ; Overall, Dolomite Access Economics forecasts domestic visitor nights to grow at an average rate of 1. 6% p. A. Over the next three years. Hotel occupancy rates in Brisbane and Perth ease while mailer markets record strong growth ; In a clear sign that travel associated with the mining sector is slowing, the last two quarters saw a softening in occupancy rates in Brisbane and Perth with average occupancies for the year to May 2013 around 2% lower than the previous year. However, growth in domestic holiday travel has been good news for destinations such as the Gold Coast where occupancy rates continue to improve, while Tropical North Queensland has benefited from strong growth in international visitor nights. A softer domestic economic outlook is moderating growth recasts for several major hotel markets ; Growth in occupancies and room rates in markets associated with mining-related corporate travel, such as Brisbane and Perth, is forecast to be more subdued, as the resource-related construction boom reaches its peak.At the same time, the weakening of the Australian dollar is forecast to pr ovide further support for room rates and occupancies in leisure-oriented markets. ; Nevertheless, and despite a strengthening investment pipeline, demand is forecast to outstrip supply and, accordingly, occupancy rates are forecast to grow 2% and room rates by 3. % p. A. Nationally over the three years to December 2015. Tourism and Hotel Market Outlook – Half yearly update 2013 2 The macroeconomic context with the US dollar since early 2011, the Australian dollar lost significant ground in May.By the end of May, the Australian dollar had fallen to IIS$O. 96, while the Trade Weighted Index (TWIT), which measures the strength of Australia's currency against its trading partners, fell from 78. 2 on the 1st of May to 74. 0 by the end of the month. At the time of writing the Australian dollar had fallen to IIS$O. 92 and the TWIT had fallen to 71. 2. The decline in the Australian dollar against its major trading partners was partly precipitated by the Reserve Banks decision in May to reduce the official cash rate to 2. 5%, while an announcement by the Federal Reserve of a possible tapering' of its quantitative easing strategy has caused a more recent drop against the US dollar. The decline in the Australian dollar is good news for local tourism operators. Previous Dolomite Access Economics research for Tourism Australia found that the value of the Australian dollar has a relatively modest impact on the decision to visit Australia. However, it has a more pronounced impact on the level of spending undertaken by visitors once they arrive, which is likely to be of greater importance for many tourism operators.The moderation of the Australian dollar is also likely to further slow growth in outbound travel by Australians as the overcompensation's of local destinations improves. Despite the pace of the recent moderation, the longer term outlook for the local currency remains relatively unchanged with the Australian dollar projected to remain at IIS$O. 80 from 2018-1 9. The global outlook The moderation of the Australian currency relative to the US dollar as been driven in part by an improved outlook for the US economy.The most recent figures from the US show that real GAP grew by 0. 6% in the March quarter up from the 0. 1% recorded in the December quarter. Over the year to March, US real GAP grew by 1. 8%. Moreover, the US housing market continues to strengthen, with the S&P Case Sheller 20-City Composite Home Price Index rising by 10. 9% over the year to March 2013 and housing approvals rising almost 21% since May 2012. Encouraging figures have also appeared from the US labor market, with the unemployment rate falling to 7. % in April (though it edged up to 7. % in May). However, looking beyond the headline data reveals a labor market which remains soft. This is especially evident in the employment to population ratio (capturing both unemployment and workforce participation), which remains essentially unchanged from the depths reached in late 2009. This data suggests that the falling unemployment rate has mainly been due to individuals dropping out of the labor force rather than strong employment growth.These emerging signs of recovery – along with recent improvements in consumer confidence – suggest that, although fiscal consolidation ill limit the speed of the nation's economic recovery, the US is better placed than previously to handle the impact of $85 billion in budget cuts associated with the ‘sequester' and a 2% increase in payroll tax. By comparison, the outlook for Chinese growth is slightly weaker than forecast six months ago with growth falling from 7. 9% over the year to December 2012 to 7. 7% over the year to March 2013.Growth continues to be supported by infrastructure spending and housing construction with recent growth in real estate prices prompting renewed concerns about the potential or a housing price bubble in China. Growth in both consumer spending and the longer term, China wil l need to rebalanced its growth towards higher wages and increased consumer spending, which is likely to imply a slower but more balanced growth trajectory. The COED Economic Outlook forecasts Chinese growth to remain at 7. 8% in 2013, before rising to 8. 4% in 2014 on the back of an acceleration of global trade.In Europe, fiscal austerity has continued to hamper growth with unemployment in the region climbing further. While austerity measures have increased the level of lattice instability in some member states, the European Central Banks actions in purchasing government bonds has reduced the risk of a severe collapse over the last eighteen months. The COED expects growth in the Euro area of in 2013 before recovering to 1 . 1% in 2014. By comparison, the outlook is slightly stronger for Japan as monetary easing has led to a depreciation of the yen since November 2012, although the COED is forecasting growth of only 1. % in 2013. On the whole, the global outlook remains broadly simi lar to six months ago, with more promising signs f recovery in the US being counterbalanced by a slightly softer outlook for China's economy and continued weakness in the Rezone. The domestic outlook In Australia, concerns have been growing about the capacity of the non-mining sectors to sustain growth once the resource-related construction boom peaks. The economy grew by 0. 6% in the March quarter to be up by 2. 5% over the year, but growth was largely driven by an improvement in net exports.A decline in new engineering construction in the quarter has prompted increasing concerns that the mining construction boom has begun to peak. While Dolomite Access Economics expects resource-related construction to plateau for some time before receding, alternative sources of growth must be forthcoming if an economic slowdown is to be avoided. While there is evidence that housing construction and the retail sector are beginning to grow, the recovery in both sectors has been relatively mild to date. Residential construction activity grew by only 2. % over the year to March, while retail expenditure grew by 3. 1% over the year to April. The decision by the Reserve Bank to cut interest rates to a record low of 2. 75% in May should act to Arthur stimulate the housing and retail sectors. At the same time, while the decision by the Federal government to delay a return to budget surplus to 2015-16 has been welcomed, indicators suggest business confidence has weakened in recent months due to concerns about the impending peak in construction activity in the resources sector.

Time to Legalize Marijuana - 500+ Economists Endorse It

Anyone who has ever read Milton Friedmans Free To Choose (a book everyone interested in Economics should read at some point in their life) knows that Friedman is a staunch supporter of the legalization of marijuana. Friedman isnt alone in that regard, and  he joined over 500 economists in signing An Open Letter to the President, Congress, Governors, and State Legislatures on the benefits of legalizing marijuana. Friedman isnt the only well known economist to sign the letter, it was also signed by Nobel Laureate George Akerlof and other notable economists including Daron Acemoglu of MIT, Howard Margolis of the University of Chicago, and Walter Williams of George Mason University. The Economics of Marijuana In general, economists believe in the power of free markets and individual liberty, and, as such, are opposed to outlawing goods and services unless such a policy is justified based on costs to outside parties (i.e. negative externalities).   Generally speaking, the use of marijuana doesnt appear to generate side effects large enough to justify making it entirely illegal, so its not surprising that economists would be in favor of legalization.   In addition, economists know that only legal markets can be taxed, and therefore many see the market for marijuana as a way to increase tax revenue while also making marijuana consumers better off (compared to a situation where only black markets exist). Text of Letter Signed By 500+ Economists: We, the undersigned, call your attention to the attached report by Professor Jeffrey A. Miron, The Budgetary Implications of Marijuana Prohibition. The report shows that marijuana legalization -- replacing prohibition with a system of taxation and regulation -- would save $7.7 billion per year in state and federal expenditures on prohibition enforcement and produce tax revenues of at least $2.4 billion annually if marijuana were taxed like most consumer goods. If, however, marijuana were taxed similarly to alcohol or tobacco, it might generate as much as $6.2 billion annually. The fact that marijuana prohibition has these budgetary impacts does not by itself mean prohibition is bad policy. Existing evidence, however, suggests prohibition has minimal benefits and may itself cause substantial harm. We therefore urge the country to commence an open and honest debate about marijuana prohibition. We believe such a debate will favor a regime in which marijuana is legal but taxed and regulated like other goods. At a minimum, this debate will force advocates of current policy to show that prohibition has benefits sufficient to justify the cost to taxpayers, foregone tax revenues, and numerous ancillary consequences that result from marijuana prohibition. Do You Agree? I highly recommend anyone interested in the topic to read Mirons report on marijuana legalization, or at the very least see the executive summary. Given the high number of people who are incarcerated each year for marijuana offences and the high cost of housing prisoners, the $7.7 billion in expected savings seems like a reasonable figure, though I would like to see estimates produced by other groups.